Academic Critique with Comparative
& Theoretical Emphasis

When I started reading the text, it was understandable head-on what the book was all
about and where it wanted to progress as the author outlined her primary goal to inspire
change and encourage thoughtful reflection on the country's future through the proposal
presenting a new form of government. She identified the book's target audience, which is the
ages of 16 to 24. With that in mind, I reflected on how it may be engaging to me as part of the
age bracket; its focus and language used might limit the depth of analysis, and the
engagement of other key stakeholders (e.g., policymakers, the academe, and anyone who
would be essential to making significant changes in the government) can be included in the
future editions that may further the scope of the target audience.

Chapter 1 addresses the causes of how our country is struggling and how other
countries flourish, such as South Korea. I can see how the author argues that here in the
Philippines, we see persistent challenges that can be traced to systemic flaws in the
government—from the government structure, where a lack of accountability is prevalent. In
the 1st chapter, the proposed Hybrid Model is introduced as an innovative idea to change the
government. Also, the tale of the unintelligent voter was included. For me, it is not only the
calamities or famous faces that can be the only reason for the “unintelligent’’ voter to exist
but also the system of making people less informed in how politics and government work and
the existence of fanaticism in the country that is prevalent and rampant. Recently, we saw
how authorities surrendered the Ex-President Rodrigo “Digong” R. Duterte 1 to the custody of
the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the backlash of hateful comments towards the
court. Also, Ferdinand Marcos Jr. won the presidential elections in 2022 because of the
fanaticism and nepotism of his father, Marcos Sr 2 . I also want to highlight in this chapter the
presentation of the human factor in leadership, using South Korean Park Geun-Hye to
illustrate how personal relationships can negatively influence leaders, though this comparison
and observations towards the South Koreans and Filipinos are well intended to use for the
book it raises concerns on how this can be generalizing Filipinos, and this may not fully
capture the complexities and diversities of the two nations in terms of the cultural setup.

The 2nd Chapter, The Challenges in the Government System in the Philippines,
further elaborates on the problems we deal with in our country, citing issues and unjust
systems like the Pork Barrel case of Napoles or the Padrino system, which is very rampant
these days as in the budget hearing for 2025 it was discussed cut budgets for other priority
sectors such as health and education and fueling more into more “economically booming”
sectors like Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) 3 which shows how
favoritism is put into certain degree. The focus of the chapter shifted to the Presidential form
of government, which can contribute to the persistence of these issues, citing the
concentration of power and the short six-year term limit as a hindrance to long-term planning
and consistent policy implementation. However, I wish I had seen a more detailed roadmap
for how this transition from the current system in the presidency would practically occur. The *****steps involved, the legal and constitutional amendments required, and the timeline for the
changes that would be made are not elaborated well enough. The author contrasts the
Philippines again to South Korea, suggesting a more substantial commitment to national
interest in the latter despite also having a Presidential system. Despite acknowledging
Filipino excellence in various fields, the author notes that the government and political
leaders are often perceived negatively. I think the extent to which these challenges with the
presidential system could be fixed because while personality-based politics can be noted in
this demographic landscape, the chapter doesn’t profoundly explore how the role of media
and political culture can perpetuate.

Chapter 3 introduces the core components of the proposed Hybrid Model, which is
Parliamentary Democracy, Constitutional Monarchy, and Federalism, which is presented as a
solution for the Philippines’ existing challenges in the government. It shows the evolution of
each type of government that is part of the hybrid model. I guess it lacks a more detailed
explanation of how these three distinct systems would integrate and interact in practice; It
doesn’t thoroughly address the potential areas of conflict or overlap between these
components. The argument for why the Hybrid Model will work in the Filipino context could
be seen as somewhat assertive without robust supporting evidence or addressing potential
resistance.

Chapter 4 shows the role of federalism in a hybrid government as it focuses on the
advantages of federalism, like localized governance, decentralization of power, and regional
development, as it can lead to a fairer distribution of wealth and resources, potentially
benefiting underserved areas. It shows how it can be tailored to the context of the Philippines,
emphasizing the principle of subsidiary. Fiscal policy under the Presidential system is also
said in the chapter, which is a centralized authority, and reliance on National Tax Allotment is
compared to the federal system’s greater fiscal autonomy for regions. With the chapter
touching up the assets of federalism, I saw how it is limited in discussing the potential
challenges of federalism in the Philippines, like the risk of worsening the existing regional
disparities if some regions are significantly wealthier than others or the complexities of
dividing powers and resources between national and regional governments. While it mentions
equalization grants, their implementation and adequacy details are not fully explored. The
comparison of fiscal policy under presidential and federal systems can look like an
oversimplification of revenue collection and distribution complexities in both systems.

Chapter 5 argues that constitutional monarchy is a unifying authority that stabilizes
the nation and depoliticizes the head of state. It explains the ceremonial role of a monarch in
a constitutional monarchy, such as opening parliament and embodying national image and
values. The concept can cause a potential disconnection between the Philippines’ history as a
republic. I can see that monarchy might seem unfamiliar or even antithetical to many
Filipinos. This chapter attempted to address the idea by referencing Filipino values and
cultural heritage. Still, it could be argued that this justification is not sufficiently compelling
for a significant shift towards a monarchial element. Furthermore, the practicalities of
establishing a monarchy include selecting a monarch. What can be an image of a monarch
representing the Philippines? From a tribe? A manggagawa? Or a Magsasaka? As they are
non-political Filipino figures. Such diversity of cultures to consider when choosing a
Monarch can be challenging for this country.

Features of Parliamentary Democracy are discussed in the 6th chapter, presenting the
system as the first and most significant component of the hybrid model, directly emphasizing
collaborative leadership and accountability to the Parliament. This chapter highlights
adopting a parliamentary form of government in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in
Muslim Mindanao as a potential benefit for the entire country, allowing for the swift removal
of underperforming leaders. The author further argued how the Parliamentary Democracy
could promote a more responsible government by addressing issues in education,
infrastructure, and legal translations, and it can alleviate poverty more efficiently than the
current Presidential system. Like the two systems, I also saw the limited discussion about the
potential instability that may arise in a parliamentary system due to votes of no confidence
and the need for coalition governments. The Bangamoro Autonomous Region’s adoption of a
parliamentary form can be argued that the specific context of BARMM’s transition is not
directly comparable to a nationwide shift.

The global models explained in Chapter 7 showed how various nations championed
implementing governments integrating the three. It provided an overview of countries'
systems, highlighting key features and drawing potential insights and applications for our
country. It concludes by emphasizing that learning and imitating from prosperous nations is a
pragmatic approach to progress, and the Hybrid model is inspired by the best components of
established systems, adapting to the Philippines’ unique needs. However, the selective nature
of the examples and the depth of the insights and applications are seen here. While the
chapter identifies the key features of these integrated systems, it doesn’t always provide a
nuanced analysis of their successes and failures or how directly they can be translated to the
Philippines. For instance, simply stating that decentralizing power through federalism in
Australia would benefit the Philippines does not address the country's specific challenges and
preconditions of successful federalism.

Chapter 8, which mainly discusses building a future of innovation, underscores the
necessity of innovation in addressing present and future challenges. It argues that a lack of
creativity can hinder progress in a country. The author proposed the establishment of Political
Science and Physics Research Laboratories in Luzon, the Visayas, and Mindanao to foster
innovation in governance and science. It outlines goals for the Physics Research laboratory,
including sustainable energy research, disaster mitigation, and technological inventions. The
most controversial part of the book is introducing the Intellectual Capacity Detector (ICD) for
voter eligibility, as it raised concern for me because this can be undemocratic and
discriminatory. The qualification and implementation criteria raise significant ethical and
practical problems. While the idea of fostering innovation through laboratories is
commendable, the proposal of ICD overshadows this, and it can potentially be a problematic
element to the overall model.

The church's role in Hybrid Governance in Chapter 9 discussed the historical
involvement of the church in monarchies, such as the crowning of monarchs. It proposes
“Reserved Church Representation in Parliament” to provide insights on social justice and
ethical governance. This chapter also suggests a “church-state partnership” where the church inspires, advises, and holds the government morally accountable while remaining neutral in political matters. It emphasizes the ethical role of the church in governance and its potential to act as a bridge to unite diverse voices, especially within a federal structure. The principle of the separation of church and state is neglected in this chapter as reserved seats for religious representatives could be seen as violating the said principle and potentially leaving undue religious influence in political affairs. Now that the principle is in place, we know how the church’s role in substantially influencing the government to not continue specific laws even for the betterment of the country. For instance, the Republic Act No. 10354, the Reproductive Health (RH) Law, was campaigned for 13 years by catholic conservatives claiming that the law is anti-life and was said to encourage promiscuity among teenagers.

Chapter 10 showcases the Hybrid Model as a transformative pathway for the
Philippines to address longstanding challenges and build a more inclusive and effective
nation. It calls on the younger generation to engage in long-term planning and bridge societal
divides. The chapter also discusses the Philippines’ strong moral and spiritual foundation and
the role of faith in shaping the future. It encourages a grand vision inspired by the universe
and even suggests offering prizes and awards to inspire innovation. This chapter concludes
with a message of empowerment for the younger generation, highlighting their connection to
technology and global trends. While it calls for thoughtful implementation and determination,
it doesn't provide a detailed roadmap for navigating the significant political and societal
changes required for such a fundamental shift in governance. While potentially positive,
offering prizes and awards to inspire innovation might be considered less substantial than the
fundamental structural reforms proposed.

Overall, the book offers a comprehensive proposal for a new governance model. It
focuses on addressing key challenges as it identifies and seeks to address long-standing
governance challenges in the Philippines. It also strongly advocates for innovation and
encourages young minds to think beyond the traditional boundaries that shape the nation’s
future; the proposal of Political Science and Physics Research Laboratories exemplifies this.
Though the book has specific weaknesses in certain aspects, it doesn’t change the fact that it
is still compelling to read. The thought was idealistic initially, but presenting the model in a
way that considers the Filipinos in their rawest form provided a clear distinction between
what the Philippines is today and what it hopes to become.